Thesis: While Google's Android relies on a solid economic model, Google will need to improve upon the operating system's user friendliness in order to attract developers and ensure long-term success among consumers.

Android Software Development Kit License Agreement.  Android.com.  August 18, 2008.

Android's software development kit (SDK) is a central part of what defines the operating system as open source.  The SDK provides the public with the technical tools needed to create applications for Android.  In the SDK License Agreement, Google enumerates all the components of fair use of the kit.  The agreement is described as a legally binding contract that must be accepted in order to use the SDK. 

Some have criticized the Android license agreement as an indicator of how Android is not truly open source.  For instance, developers cannot create derivative versions of the SDK, nor can they combine the SDK with other kinds of software.  Other articles in the license agreement, such as article 9.3 (D), which states that Google may end its license agreement with a developer if it is decided that provision of the SDK to the developer is "no longer commercially viable."  This article indicates Google's interest in using open source software only if it involves monetary gain for Google itself.  While Google's commercial interests shouldn't come as a surprise, this particular point in the license agreement nevertheless serves as a reminder that Google hasn't entirely given up control of it's Android software, and that its use of open source software isn't ultimately for the sake of democracy.

While some of the criticism against the Android SDK license agreement was aimed at the initial license agreement (which coincided with the initial release of the SDK, before the release of the G1), the updated, more "open" license agrreement that Google released after the G1 entered the market still retains elements of the original license agreement.  While Google has described the updated agreement as being truly open source, the impression one derives from the current agreement is that Google still maintains control over its SDK and over the availability of applications on its market.

Paul, Ryan.  "Developing Apps for Google Android: it's a mixed bag." Ars Technica.  December 19, 2007.

In this article from computer enthusiast Web site Ars Technica, correspondent Ryan Paul describes his first hand experience using Google's Android development kit.  Paul begins by describing the outcry of developers who are frustrated with the shortcomings of the development kit.  According to Paul, one of the most critical problems with the kit is the lack of a public issue-tracking system.  As it stands, Android users are able to report issues with applications and these reports are then added to Google's own private issue-tracking catalogue.  Paul notes how companies like Skype, Nokia and Trolltech have all successfully developed public issue-tracking systems, and thus one should expect Google to be able to do the same.  As it stands, Adroid users who report issues have no way of detecting trends in issues nor are they able to know when or if an issue will be fixed until after Google fixes it.

While the lack of public issue tracking presents a serious problem, Paul is also sure to praise the Android software for its strengths.  He notes how an Eclipse plug-in makes repairing bugs relatively hassle-free, and he praises an application in the development kti that allows developers to easily test how their applications will look onscreen.  As mentioned, Paul used the Android development kit to create his own application - a Twitter client.  In the end, he was able to do so in 130 lines of code - an impressively small amount, according to Paul.  Overall, Paul seems optimistic about the Android software.  He describes it as a "definitely viable and effective platform for application development" and he sees the problems with the software as stemming from Android's being in the early stages of development.  Nevertheless, many of the problems with the software are inexcusable and need to be addressed in order for Android to remain a contendor as a marketable mobile operating system.

Ray, Bill.  "Google's Android 'designed to drive fragmentation.'"  The Register.  April 3, 2008.

In this article from science and technology news site The Register, correspondent Bill Ray provides a brief description and analysis of Google's potential strategic interests in the fragmentation of the market for mobile operating systems.  Some open source experts have complained that Android uses its own Java (programming language) machine rather than use mainstream Java, which in turn makes Android less streamlined with other open source software.  Google explains that its reason for using its own Java machine is to keep its source code under an Apache license that will permit more customization among Android users.  According to Google, its Java machine allows users to modify the Android code however they want - so a user can, for instance, replace all the Google software with Yahoo software.

Ray points to Microsoft Windows as an example of what Google is fighting against in the mobile industry.  Since many people like to use Microsoft Office, and Office works best with Windows, most people end up using Windows in order to stay in sync with their peers/co-workers.  If Google were to successfully fragment the mobile OS market so that no one OS dominated, then Web 2.0 applications (that is, applications that are not tied to any particular OS, but rather exist on the web) would be the most viable.  Since Google's strong point happens to be Web 2.0 applications (consider Google Docs and Google Maps, etc), a fragmented mobile OS market would therefore be desirable.  While Ray does not attempt to assert that Google's has been fragmentation all along with Android, his article at least provides one potential commercial interest in pushing for an open source mobile OS.

Roth, Daniel.  "Google's Open Source Android OS Will Free the Wireless Web."  Wired.  June 2008 Issue.  Conde Nast Publications.  New York, NY.

This feature article, printed in Wired a few months before the release of Tmobile's G1 - the first phone to run on Google's Android operating system, provides a comprehensive history of the development of Android and a summary of what's at stake and what Google hopes to accomplish with the OS.  The article begins by describing the first meeting between Android founder Andy Rubin and Google cofounder Larry Page in 2005.  Rubin, who had previously invented the Sidekick smartphone, had only hoped to acquire Page's moral support - even just an email saying Android was a good idea - since Page's seal of approval could help Rubin get more funding for his start-up.  Yet, by the end of the meeting - and much to Rubin's surprise - Page decided he wanted to buy Android and make it a Google product.

Since that meeting, Android has gone on to gain the support of a number of major mobile industry players - including Tmobile, Sprint Nextel, Motorola and HTC - who have all named themselves part of the Open Handset Alliance and Google managed to stir up considerable buzz with its developer challenge - a contest with a prize of $10 million to anyone who could develop the best Android application.  But, as the article points out, making Android work has not come without its challenges, and remains to be seen if the OS will gain the popularity that Google wants.  For instance, mobile phone companies are wary of the fact that, by creating a perfect and complete mobile web surfing experience, Android could make it harder for companies to differentiate from each other.  Networks would become "dumb pipes" that would merely deliver data and not play a part in building individualized mobile internet capabilities, thus making the choice between networks a matter of which one has the most towers.  For this reason, Google still lacks the support of the two biggest mobile carriers: Verizon and AT&T, who together control 54% of the US market.  As the article points out, Android needs their support to succeed. 

The article does an excellent job of summarizing Google's strategic goals with Android as well as the potential shortcomings of the OS.  Reading this article almost a year after its initial publication (and almost 6 months after the release of the G1) makes it clear just how apt it was in pinpointing the challenges to Android's market success.  The article mentions how Google has a tendency to release its applications as sort of beta models, with the hopes that they can be developed and improved down the line for future success.  The problem is that Google in a way took the same approach with Android, which made it a much more difficult sell based upon first impressions.  Considering the sleek presentation of Apple's iPhone, the "unfinished" look and feel of Android has likely worked against the success of the OS.  While success may come down the line as developers become more adept and creative with the Android code, Google's laissez faire attitude has likely slowed widespread adoption of the OS.

Gardiner, Bryan.  "Google's Latest Efforts Test the Open Waters."  Wired.com.  November 9, 2007.

This article discusses Google's forrays into arena of open source technology and places them within the context of past open source endeavors by other companies.  The most revelatory aspect of this article is the emphasis on the fact that open source technologies are not unfamiliar territory for media companies.  In fact, the article describes Google's strategy with Android as a "classic move," that is, a big company taking on a collaborative project in a market where it has little presence.  While, in the short term, it may seem Google has little to gain by partnering with Android, there could be huge gains in the long term.  The best case scenario for Google would be dominance in the mobile market, which is currently up for grabs.

Although Google hasn't won over Verizon or AT&T, and it has some stiff competition from companies like Microsoft over domination of the mobile market, the article notes that networks would benefit from partnering with Google, since Google is known to drive data usage rates, which could in turn lead to more money for networks.  Ultimately, the success or failure of Android will not be evident in the short run, since domination of the mobile market is likely to be a long process.  However, even if Android does ultimately fail, it will still likely cause mobile web technology to evolve, and any impovement to mobile internet surfing is a boon for Google, meaning Google's investment in Android is essentially a win-win situation for the company.

 

Lerner, Josh and Jean Triole.  "Some Simple Economics of Open Source."  The Journal of Industrial Economics. Vol. 50, No. 2 (Jun., 2002), pp. 197-234.  Blackwell Publishing.

This article from The Journal of Industrial Economics surveys some of the basic economics of the open source software model.  The article begins by noting how open source practices have in fact existed in the realm of software development for several decades, but that the practice of open source software development has grown more concretized and widespread due to the rise of the Internet (to demonstrate this, the article provides a brief history of software development from the 70s to present day).  The article then goes on to examine several case studies involving specific products of open source software development, specifically Apache, Linux, Perl and Sendmail.

Perhaps one of the more unique aspects of the article is the close examination of the motivation for developers to work with open source rather than closed source software.  The authors identify several types of incentives that they hypothesize lure developers to the open source model.  Such incentives include career concern incentive and the ego gratification incentive.  Both of these incentives are categorized in economic terms as what's called a signalling incentive.  The authors list several conditions under which signalling incentives are strengthened, and all of these conditions appear to be present within the open source model.  For example, the ego gratification incentive is in part fulfilled by peer recognition.  The open source model strengthens this incentive because the development process is transparent, meaning all changes to source codes are tracked and tied to specific developers, thus allowing for a high level of peer recognition.

While this article may ultimately pose more questions than it answers, it marks a necessary step towards closer examination of the open source model.  By examining the model from an economic perspective, the article is helping to systematize and deconstruct the motivations and human behaviors that govern the ways in which open source development operates.

Roth, Daniel.  "Open Source Software Made Developers Cool.  Now It Can Make Them Rich." Wired. March 2008.  Conde Nast Publications.

This article from Wired highlights how open source software can be commercially viable, even though the development of it isn't based directly on monetary compensation.  As the article states, 30 open source sotware companies were bought for more than $1 billion in 2007, which is double the number of sales from 2005.  One reason for this commercial interest in open source software is that such software has proven particularly well-developed in the past.  Linux, for instance, is a more stable operating system than Windows, and Mozilla Firefox is a highly popular open source web browser.

The article also points out the main ways open source software manages to make money: "The money comes from selling add-ons, service contracts, and hardware to go with the software."  The examples presented in this article show how open source software can be a commercially viable business endeavor - a fact that goes against the original free software movement from which open source software is derived.  Such evidence supports Google's strategic interest in developing its own open source software for the mobile market with Android and also shows how open source software can prove successful in seemingly incompatible environments (for example, the article describes how open source software has recently been used to set up trading platforms for hedge funds, which are "notoriously insistent on proprietary systems).

Krazit, Tom.  "Google restores tethering app for Android users outside U.S."  CNET.com.  April 2, 2009. 

This article from technology web site CNET presents a news story about Google's pulling an application from its app market due to a violation of Tmobiles terms of service.  The app, which was a tethering app - an app that can be used by Mac and PC users to gain access to the internet through their phones, was banned by Tmobile and was subsequently removed from all app markets by Google.  The problem was that the terms of service violation only applied within the United States and with phones that were locked.  Google quickly remedied its universal takedown by putting the app back up on app markets outside the U.S. and by restoring access for unlocked phones. 

The news story is not so much notable for the tethering app in particular, but rather because it presents an instance in which Google's open access software comes into direct conflict with the network operator on which it runs.  The article notes how "It appears Google's commitment to making Android a completely open operating system will be tested by the reality of how wireless carriers have traditionally controlled the applications that run on their network."  This is an important point because it highlights an inherent contradiction in the ways open source software and mobile network operators function.  This contradiction will likely prove to be one of Google's primary challenges in establishing Android as a widely used operating system in the mobile market.

"What is Android?."  Android.com.  Retrieved on April 7 from http://www.android.com/about/.

This introduction to Android, as presented by Google on the Android web site, provides a brief explanation of what Android is, with an emphasis on the capabilities and potential for innovation that the operating system provides.  The introduction is written in relatively simple, non technical language, and is broken down into four sections: one describing how Android is "open," another describing the equal status among applications, another describing the breakdown of barriers between applications, and a final one describing the fast and easy development of applications. 

This introduction does a good job of breaking down some of the basic capabilities of Android and it gives the reader an idea of the core philosophy behind Android.  The language is mostly in layman's terms, suggesting the intro is written for a general audience.  The page is notable for its lack of Google branding.  Instead, the page describes Android as being developed by the Open Handset Alliance (the consortium of Android supporters gathered by Google).  Although Google has been the primary player in developing Android, the decision to present Android as a product of an alliance seems to be in line with Google's attempts to market Android as a non-proprietary piece of software.

Von Hippel, Eric and George von Krogh.  "Open Source Software and the 'Private-Collective' Innovation Model: Issues for Organization Science."  Organization Science, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Mar. - Apr., 2003), pp. 209-223.  Published by: INFORMS.

This overview of the open source approach in economics provides a brief history of the advent of open source software and ends with a discussion that uses the open source model to call into question traditional economic models for compensation.  The article defines two basic economic models for innovation: the private investment model and the collective action model.  The private investment model is based on the concept of an individual or private entity investing in an innovation and then owning the rights to that innovation.  This model is beneficial in that it contains an inherent compensatory system for innovators - based on ownership of rights - that encourages further innovation.  At the same time, this model limits public access to those innovations.  On the other hand, the collective action model is based on the concept of public goods - goods which are freely used by all, and whose usage by any given person does not exclude or degrade usage by another person.  In order for innovation to occur in this public realm, innovators must make their knowledge free for all to access.  While this model is beneficial in that it does not place a limit on public use of goods, it is problematic in that it does not include a strong compensatory system for encouraging further innovation.

This article provides a useful re-examination of traditional economic models, which will be necessary considering the open source model will likely be an important presence in the future, at least within the realm of internet technologies.  Though this particular paper does not present hard examples or definitive conclusions about what type of economic model applies to open source innovation, it does at least suggest that experts need to reconsider traditional models and perhaps leave room for a gray area between opposing models.  With regards to open source, there may exist what the authors refer to as a Private-Collective model for innovation that, under the right conditions, allows for the benefits of both the private investment and the collective action models.

Soltan, Margaret. The Lost Narrative of Lost Women. Feminist Studies. Vol. 1, No. 3. Autumn, 1989: 563 572. Margaret Soltan's essayistic article on the scholarly perception of prostitution is presented as a reaction to another article published in the journal Ethics, in which the author described prostitutes as being similar to nurses in that they carry out unpleasant but humane services for society. Soltan describes herself as being angered by the article and she concludes that this anger came as a result of a certain affinity that she feels towards prostitutes. The article was written after Soltan spent time in Paris for a fellowship and it often refers to her experiences and observations of prostitution in Paris. Soltan believes that prostitution comes as a result of a sort of self-alienation and commoditization and, also, that prostitution is rarely viewed as a real social problem in support of this claim, she refers to the establishment of regulations and the systematization of prostitution in Paris via designated prostitution zones and medical tests for prostitutes. The problem of prostitution, Soltan says, is a result of a tendency for passivity among woman: they tend to desire freedom from responsibility and thus they turn themselves over to prostitution (all women, Soltan says, do this in a less explicit way by selling themselves in their daily lives). Soltan's article examines prostitution as a real social problem in much the same way Jean-Luc Godard examines it in Vivre Sa Vie. Nana, the main character in Vivre Sa Vie believes that she is responsible for all of her actions, but Godard demonstrates the social constraints that led to Nana's descent into prostitution and portrays Nana as having little control over it. A similar critical view of society is reflected in Soltan's writing a view of women being misled into believing they carry out prostitution in a detached manner without being mentally affected- and both Soltan and Godard refer to the regulatory laws on prostitution in Paris as attempts to streamline prostitution as if it were not a true problem.

Staples, Donald E. "The Auteur Theory Re-examined". Cinema Journal, Vol. 6. (1966 - 1967): 1-7.

Donald Staples chronicles the development of the auteur theory in this article. Starting with the birth of auteur theory in the 1954 Cahiers du Cinima article by Frangoise Truffaut, in which Truffaut attempting to criticize .screen-writers. cinema., in which the creative process essentially ended once the screen-writer finished writing the script. From that point, a director merely put the writing on film without leaving a personal creative imprint on the film. As a result of Truffaut.s article, critics began to put emphasis on auteur theory when writing their reviews. It became necessary for a director to use the film as a way of inventing a personal aesthetic and for each film to demonstrate a step in the overall progression of the director.s creativity. The French New Wave is always closely associated with the concept of auteur theory. Director.s who were part of the movement often took control over the creative aspects of their film and oftentimes films by French New Wave directors are particularly distinct in style to the point where a director.s trademarks become recognizable.

Burton, Emory C. "Sociology and the Feature Film". Teaching Sociology, Vol. 16, No. 3. (Jul., 1988): 263-271.

This article focuses on film and it use as an educational tool within the context of a sociology classroom. The article is meant to be informative and instructional for sociology professors specifically, however it offers insight as to how film can have a great impact on students and how it can teach said student sociological subjects. Emory Burton, the author of the article, bases his statements on the research carried out by numerous sociologists. This research supports the claim that movies are effective teaching tools because they allow viewers to vicariously experience the life or hardships of characters from different times, classes, and of different circumstances. Vivre Sa Vie is a film that presents a sociological issue and it is meant to stimulate serious thought and reflection within the viewer on a real life social problem. In that sense, this article relates directly to the film, because it discusses how film has been shown to be effective in stimulating such thought. Godard's film attempts to present the reality of a social issue in an intellectual manner in order to encourage critical thought.

Klawans, Stuart, Michelson, Annette, Peqa, Richard, Schamus, James, Turvey, Malcolm. "Round Table: Independence in the Cinema". October, Vol. 91. (Winter, 2000): 3-23.

This roundtable discussion features the five above-named film scholars who gathered to discuss independent cinema. Specifically, the scholars wanted to make an attempt at defining independent cinema and discussing how it came to be over the course of the past forty years. It is noted that in recent times, the film industry is more horizontally integrated than it several decades ago. For this reason, Richard Peqa argues that American cinema has really become a single body and that independent and .dependent. cinema are not truly separate entities, because the smaller studios that put out independent films are being absorbed by big name studios. James Schamus notes however that there are still tensions within the film industry that create distinction between these two types of cinema. The discussion turns to French New Wave cinema at one point and it is noted how the movement and how it spurred independent cinema by offering the public an alternative to the domineering American film industry. The movement was aided by the French government who offered subsidies to independent studios and rewards for directors making their first films. This governmental compensation drew a crowd of younger directors who, in turn, attracted younger audiences. On a large scale, the movement can be seen as a reaction or act of rebellion against the more streamlined big budget movies from big name American studios.

Gilfoyle, Timothy J. Prostitutes in History: From Parables of Pornography to Metaphors of Modernity. The American Historical Review, Vol. 104, No. 1. (Feb., 1999): 117-141. .Prostitutes in History. provides a brief historical delineation of prostitution as well as the historical study of prostitution and describes how both have evolved. Timothy Gilfoyle separates historians into two groups: those who study the social structure surrounding prostitution and those who study the symbolism of deviance and sin that prostitution carries. Gilfoyle notes that prostitution was not studied extensively until fairly recently. In the past, prostitutes were marginalized by historians, and even now historians complain about marginal subjects, such as prostitution, becoming a central area of study. Gilfoyle sees no need for such complaints, as he views the study of prostitution as a way of increasing understanding of history just as much as studies of gender, economy, and sexuality. Gilfoyle notes that historians who study the day-to-day lives of prostitutes often possess an empathetic view of prostitutes, viewing them as rational women who are forced into prostitution due to a need to survive. The article also focuses particularly on prostitution in France over the past several decades and how it has gone through periods of regulation and unregulation. This historical account provides insight on how prostitution has been viewed both throughout history and by historians.

Waller, Bruce N. Neglected Psychological Elements of Free Will. Philosophy, Psychiatry, & Psychology. Volume 11, Number 2, June 2004: 111-118. This journal article by Bruse Waller offers both insight on the psychological elements behind free will and criticism of contemporary philosophers who, according to Waller, ignore concepts of psychology that are necessary for fully understanding free will. Free will is apparently based on external factors, as well as two factors within the human mind: a locus of control, and a belief in self-efficacy. A locus of control is essentially a belief that one.s choices control the path of one.s life. A belief in self-efficacy is a belief in one.s competency or ability to make good, informed decisions. Waller criticizes existentialists and philosophers, both of whom fail to grasp both the concept of locus of control and self efficacy. Existentialists, Waller says, believe that free will requires a complete locus of control, and absence of self-efficacy. Therefore if individuals want to have free will they must fully believe in their ability to control their lives, but all decisions must be made with complete uncertainty because individuals must not have self efficacy. Philosophers, on the other hand, believe that humans with free will can possess confidence in their self-efficacy, but realize that their lives are controlled by external factors, and thus they must lack a locus of control. Waller is of the belief that both a locus of control and self-efficacy are necessary for a person to have free will and therefore philosophers should study these elements more closely. If a person lacks one element, then he or she will either surrender to external factors or be paralyzed by the uncertainty of his or her decisions. Waller.s article covers one of the main themes within Vivre Sa Vie. Godard explores an individual woman who believes she possesses free will, but who, in reality, is controlled by external factors. Waller brings up an example of such a person: someone who possesses a free will, but is completely lacking control. Waller states that this is an especially cruel scenario and draws a metaphor of a child being given a toy steering wheel and being told it controls a vehicle that is, in reality, completely out of the child.s control.

Callenbach, Ernest, Marcorelles, Louis. Jean-Luc Godard's Half-Truths. Film Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 3. (Spring, 1964): 4-7. This article offers a brief analysis of Jean-Luc Godard.s film techniques. It breaks down Godard.s methodologies into three topics: Godard as a man of letters, Godard as Brechtian, and Godard and the .cinima direct.. The first topic discusses Godard.s love of language, which is made evident by the often poetic albeit unrealistic dialogue. Quoting Godard himself, the authors note that when Godard was a young boy (he was part of a large bourgeois family), his family would often read out loud together, which quite possibly fostered Godard.s love of recitation out loud. .Godard as Brechtian. refers to Godard.s use of Brechtian techniques which are marked by creating a detached feeling within the audience in order to encourage reflection and logical observation of what is occurring onscreen. Vivre Sa Vie demonstrates such a technique by separating the film into twelve .tableaux., which precludes any natural or realistic flow between scenes. Lastly, .Godard and the .cinima direct.. discusses Godard.s attempts to use the camera to seize everything that happens around him. Godard.s films often used varying amounts of improvisation. In the film Une Femme est une Femme, leading actress Anna Karina finished a scene in which she was crying and, while still on camera, made a candid comment about the beauty of a woman crying. Rather than cut this unintended comment, Godard left it in the film. The authors of the article conclude that, a much as Godard wanted to capture what happened around him, he never went to the .edge of truth.. The authors suggest that he had a fear of deranging the moral comfort of the viewer, or perhaps himself.

Harrison, Jeffrey L. Jean-Luc Godard and Critical Legal Studies (Because We Need the Eggs). Michigan Law Review. Vol. 87, No. 7. (Jun., 1989): 1924-1944. Jeffrey Harrison draws an unusual comparison between law and the French New Wave cinema in his essay on critical legal studies. Critical Legal Studies is a new field of legal studies that is labeled .legal realism.. It centers around the view that law is not just a set of constant rules. Rather, laws exist in a state of constant contradiction, governing many hierarchies. By coming into conflict, laws are able to resolve themselves and synthesize, and then lead to greater conflicts. Harrison draws a connection between this movement in law and the French New Wave movement in film. Using Jean-Luc Godard as his focal point, Harrison points out how Godard.s films attempted to take cinema back to zero by breaking all rules and thus shattering all preconceived notions. Godard presented his films in irregular and often jarring fashions, by incorporating jump shots, meaningless narratives, and by paying close attention to seemingly meaningless details. Godard.s films have goals that resemble the goals of Critical Legal Studies: attempting to present reality in ways that ignore prior rules and precedents. Harrison.s article also lists the themes that Godard often covered in his films, and many of these themes can be found in Vivre Sa Vie, such as: free will vs. determinism, subjectivity vs. objectivity, and capitalism.

Maslin, Janet. High-rolling Boy Meets Street Walking Girl. New York Times. March 23, 1990. Section C, p 20. This film review of the 1990 movie Pretty Woman offers a glowing report on the movie's escapist plot and likeable actors. Janet Maslin, the reviewer, describes the film as a modern day fairy tale and she offers many compliments to the leading actors Julia Roberts and Richard Gere for offering audiences an enjoyable diversion. The movie's plot follows Vivian (Julia Roberts), a young, attractive prostitute, and Edward (Richard Gere), a wealthy workaholic who both strike up a deal in which Edward pays Vivian $3,000 and lavishes her with luxurious treatment in return for one week of her companionship. The film follows the exploits of these two characters who eventually fall in love. This movie offers a view of how the subject of prostitution can be presented in a manner that is wildly different from the one presented in Vivre Sa Vie. Pretty Woman could perhaps be seen as the opposite extreme to Godard.s film, as every film element described within the review is vastly different from the film elements within Vivre Sa Vie. Pretty Woman is a film that apparently requires .wishful thinking. on the part of the audience, and its ultimate goal is to entertain and divert viewers, offering a very pleasant, but unrealistic story of prostitution.

Jenness, Valerie. From Sex as Sin to Sex as Work: COYOTE and the Reorganization of Prostitution as a Social Problem. Social Problems, Vol. 37, No. 3 (Aug., 1990): 403-420. This article from the journal Social Problems provides an overview of the initiatives taken by the organization COYOTE (Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics), a prostitutes. rights advocacy group. The group believes that prostitutes simply use their skills to make money in the same way lawyers use their knowledge to make money, artists use their creativity to make money, and ballerinas use their bodies to make money. The group was formed in the 1970.s in the wake of changing views on prostitution. According to the article, society began to view prostitution less as debaucherous behavior and more as a legitimate career (though this view was not necessarily fully adopted). COYOTE was founded by Margo St. James, a former prostitute, who led the group to legitimacy along with other persuasive leaders. Among the most prominent initiatives being pursued by the group is protection from police, the establishment of benefits, and the overall formation and regulation of prostitution as a legitimate career opportunity. The organization believes that laws against prostitution only perpetuate the social problems surrounding it, such as abuse and the spread of disease. The most explicit way this article relates to Vivre Sa Vie is in its view of prostitutes as conscious and completely free decision makers. This is the view that Godard examines in his film, as it is the view expressed by Nana. The article also provided more insight on how some believe the regulation of prostitution can be a way of reducing the negative effects of outlawed prostitution. Godard seemingly questions this view by blurring the line between a conscious decision and a seemingly inevitable downfall for the woman who chooses to become a prostitute.

This bibliography combines sources that cover multiple topics including: the French New Wave movement in film, concepts of free will, and sociological analyses of prostitution. The purpose is to examine the Jean-Luc Godard's goals in using French New Wave techniques to portray a woman's descent into prostitution in the film "Vivre Sa Vie".

Margaret Soltan's essayistic article on the scholarly perception of prostitution is presented as a reaction to another article published in the journal Ethics, in which the author described prostitutes as being similar to nurses in that they carry out unpleasant but humane services for society. Soltan describes herself as being angered by the article and she concludes that this anger came as a result of a certain "affinity" that she feels towards prostitutes. The article was written after Soltan spent time in Paris for a fellowship and it often refers to her experiences and observations of prostitution in Paris. Soltan believes that prostitution comes as a result of a sort of self-alienation and commoditization and, also, that prostitution is rarely viewed as a real social problem - in support of this claim, she refers to the establishment of regulations and the systematization of prostitution in Paris via designated prostitution zones and medical tests for prostitutes. The problem of prostitution, Soltan says, is a result of a tendency for passivity among woman: they tend to desire freedom from responsibility and thus they turn themselves over to prostitution (all women, Soltan says, do this in a less explicit way by "selling" themselves in their daily lives).

Soltan's article examines prostitution as a real social problem in much the same way Jean-Luc Godard examines it in Vivre Sa Vie. Nana, the main character in Vivre Sa Vie believes that she is responsible for all of her actions, but Godard demonstrates the social constraints that led to Nana's descent into prostitution and portrays Nana as having little control over it. A similar critical view of society is reflected in Soltan's writing - a view of women being misled into believing they carry out prostitution in a detached manner without being mentally affected- and both Soltan and Godard refer to the regulatory laws on prostitution in Paris as attempts to streamline prostitution as if it were not a true problem.

This article from the journal Social Problems provides an overview of the initiatives taken by the organization COYOTE (Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics), a prostitutes' rights advocacy group. The group believes that prostitutes simply use their skills to make money in the same way lawyers use their knowledge to make money, artists use their creativity to make money, and ballerinas use their bodies to make money. The group was formed in the 1970.s in the wake of changing views on prostitution. According to the article, society began to view prostitution less as debaucherous behavior and more as a legitimate career (though this view was not necessarily fully adopted). COYOTE was founded by Margo St. James, a former prostitute, who led the group to legitimacy along with other persuasive leaders. Among the most prominent initiatives being pursued by the group is protection from police, the establishment of benefits, and the overall formation and regulation of prostitution as a legitimate career opportunity. The organization believes that laws against prostitution only perpetuate the social problems surrounding it, such as abuse and the spread of disease. The most explicit way this article relates to Vivre Sa Vie is in its view of prostitutes as conscious and completely free decision makers. This is the view that Godard examines in his film, as it is the view expressed by Nana. The article also provided more insight on how some believe the regulation of prostitution can be a way of reducing the negative effects of outlawed prostitution. Godard seemingly questions this view by blurring the line between a conscious decision and a seemingly inevitable downfall for the woman who chooses to become a prostitute.

Margaret Soltan's essayistic article on the scholarly perception of prostitution is presented as a reaction to another article published in the journal Ethics, in which the author described prostitutes as being similar to nurses in that they carry out unpleasant but humane services for society. Soltan describes herself as being angered by the article and she concludes that this anger came as a result of a certain .affinity. that she feels towards prostitutes. The article was written after Soltan spent time in Paris for a fellowship and it often refers to her experiences and observations of prostitution in Paris. Soltan believes that prostitution comes as a result of a sort of self-alienation and commoditization and, also, that prostitution is rarely viewed as a real social problem . in support of this claim, she refers to the establishment of regulations and the systematization of prostitution in Paris via designated prostitution zones and medical tests for prostitutes. The problem of prostitution, Soltan says, is a result of a tendency for passivity among woman: they tend to desire freedom from responsibility and thus they turn themselves over to prostitution (all women, Soltan says, do this in a less explicit way by .selling. themselves in their daily lives). Soltan.s article examines prostitution as a real social problem in much the same way Jean-Luc Godard examines it in Vivre Sa Vie. Nana, the main character in Vivre Sa Vie believes that she is responsible for all of her actions, but Godard demonstrates the social constraints that led to Nana.s descent into prostitution and portrays Nana as having little control over it. A similar critical view of society is reflected in Soltan.s writing . a view of women being misled into believing they carry out prostitution in a detached manner without being mentally affected- and both Soltan and Godard refer to the regulatory laws on prostitution in Paris as attempts to streamline prostitution as if it were not a true problem.